Huwebes, Abril 30, 2015

Death penalty in Indonesia: an executioner’s story

  As Indonesia prepares to execute up to 11 prisoners, including two Australians, a Brazilian and a Nigerian national, amid international uproar, the spotlight has been thrown on the use of the death penalty in the country. There are dozens more prisoners on death row and the government has declared there will be no mercy for those convicted of drug offences, meaning more executions are likely.

   The Guardian has spoken to a police officer who has been part of the firing squad which operates on the prison island, Nusa Kambangan. His story is one that reveals the grim reality of Indonesia’s justice system but also the conflicting emotions of those responsible for upholding it.
Pulling the trigger is the easy part, the officer says as he contemplates the executions which are to come.

    The worst part is the human touch, he says, the connection with those who are about to die. The executioner has to lace the prisoner’s limbs, hands and feet to a cross-shaped pole with thick rope. It is that final moment of brutal intimacy that haunts.

   “The mental burden is heavier for the officers that are responsible for handling the prisoners rather than shooting them,” he says. “Because those officers are involved in picking them up, and tying their hands together, until they are gone.” The officer – a young man who wanted to remain anonymous because of the sensitivity of his role – is part of a wing of the Indonesian police corps known as the Mobile Brigade (“Brimob”). The brigade carries out the executions on top of its regular duties. They are not full-time executioners but rather special police officers assigned to the job.

    They are paid less than $100 on top of their existing salary to carry out their grim task. The officer spoke exclusively to the Guardian, describing the bleakest moments of what he called “his job”, of being the last person to touch the prisoner just moments before they are “released from life”.
The act of execution happens in a jungle-skirted clearing on the prison island of Nusa Kambangan. One team is assigned to escort and shackle the prisoners, a second team is the firing squad. This officer has been on both of those teams.

  “We see the person close up, from when they are alive and talking, until they die,” he said. “We know it [that moment] precisely.”  Five Brimob officers are assigned to each prisoner, to escort them from the isolation cells in the middle of the night and accompany them to the clearing. The officer says prisoners can “decide if they want to cover their face” before they are tied up to make sure their heart or the position of their body does not move. Moments before, the prisoner has the option to seek religious counsel. 

   Using a thick rope known as “tali tambang” in Indonesian, the officer says he avoids speaking to the prisoners when he binds their hands behind their back and onto the poles, kneeling or standing as they wish, but that he treats the prisoners gently. “I don’t make conversation with the prisoners. I treat them like they are a member of my own family,” he explains, “I say only, ‘I’m sorry, I am just doing the job.’ He says that by the time he escorts the prisoners from their cells to the clearing “they are resigned to their fate, as though it was written like lines on their palm”.

  These may be the last steps that Andrew Chan, 31, and Myuran Sukumaran, 33, will follow, sentenced to death for their part in the Bali Ninetrafficking ring. Eight other death-row inmates, also dressed in white and blindfolded if they choose, will be lined up and shot simultaneously. In the darkness of the night a torch will shine onto a circle, 10 centimetres in diameter, drawn over their hearts.

   The firing squad, made up of 12 Brimob officers, will be five to 10 metres away and will shoot their M16s when given the order. Only some of the officers will have live rounds so they never know who fires the fatal shot. Officers are chosen for the firing squad based on their shooting ability and mental and physical fitness. But what emerged from the Guardian’s interview is a complicated portrait of a man who is both a pragmatic killer and reluctant executioner, who hopes he will be forgiven for what he has done. Of being part of the firing squad, the officer describes the experience with detachment.

  “We just come in, grab the weapon, shoot, and wait for the dying to finish. Once the ‘bam’ of the gun we wait 10 minutes, if the doctor pronounces him dead then we return, that’s about it.” The weapons are placed in position for the officers before the execution of the few executions the officer has been involved in, each has gone according to plan. “It doesn’t take more than five minutes to be over,” he said. After they are shot he says: “They go limp directly, because there is no life.” A doctor examines the prisoners to determine whether they are dead. If the prisoner is not dead, a designated officer is told to shoot them at close range in the head.

   The bodies are then transported to a place where they are bathed and placed in coffins and treated according to their respective religious tradition. Describing the execution process the officer said he sees his role as simply doing his duty, “just carrying out orders based on law” regardless of whether he believes in the death penalty or not. “I am bound by my oath as a soldier,” he said. “The prisoner violated the law and we are carrying out a command. We are just the executors. The question of whether it is sin or not is up to God.” 

   That responsibility, he said, also rests with his Brimob superiors. Considering his involvement and whether he is disturbed by the memories of the executions the officer says that it is best not revisited. “Whatever happened we don’t bring it up again because that is the experience of being in Brimob,” he says.

   After performing the execution the officers undergo three days of classes that include spiritual guidance and psychological assistance. And there’s a limit to the number of executions an officer can take. “If we do the executions once or twice it is not a problem, but if we have to do it many times we will certainly be subject to psychological problems,” he said.

   Speaking recently to the Jakarta Post, the Brimob’s chief, Brigadier General Robby Kaligis – who was part of the firing squad in the 1980s – acknowledges the psychological strain on his officers. “The shooting is the easiest part. It’s much harder to ensure that they are mentally prepared,” he says. And of the dark memories, the Brimob chief tells the paper: “I don’t want to remember that part of my life. We need to focus on the present and the future.”

   Indonesia’s president, Joko Widodo, has said he will not grant clemency to any inmate on death row for drug-related charges, meaning dozens more are in line for the firing squad. But the Brimob officer who has already taken part in several executions says he is reluctant to be involved in any more.

  “I hope that I won’t have to keep doing this indefinitely. There are some 50 people on death row so it could be my turn to execute again,” he says. “I’m not that happy doing it … If there are other soldiers, let them do it.” One day he hopes he “will not remember these moments” and prays that like the people he has executed, he too will have some solace, in this life, or the next. “I hope the prisoners rest in peace,” he says. “I hope I do too.” -end-

Miyerkules, Abril 29, 2015

Half-empty or half-full?

You would think that with the country experiencing better-than-expected economic growth of around 7 percent—the second best in the Asian region after China—the majority of Filipinos would be depositing part of their hard-earned money in the banking system.  

But as shown by a recent World Bank report, seven out of 10 all Filipinos remain outside the influence of the formal financial system. According to the latest edition of the World Bank Global Findex, only 31.3 percent of Filipino adults have an account in financial institutions such as banks, cooperatives or microfinance entities.

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), however, does not see the situation as half-empty, or more precisely, two-thirds empty. Its records show that  over 3 million new accounts were opened between 2011 and 2014. This means that in three years’ time, the number of account holders increased from 26.6 percent in 2011.    

Still, despite the rise in the number of bank-account holders, the Philippines falls behind other countries in Southeast Asia, ranking fifth of eight countries in the region.

In Southeast Asia, Singapore has the highest number of bank-account holders, at 96 percent, followed by Malaysia at 81 percent, Thailand at 78 percent, and Indonesia at 36 percent.
       
The Philippines tied with Vietnam at 31 percent, while Myanmar and Cambodia are the bottom two at 23 percent and 22 percent, respectively.

The BSP remains optimistic that the banking system would grow further in the coming years along with the economy as a whole since the increase in bank accounts was more evident in poorer and less educated population groups. 

After all, its records show that the poorest 40 percent of Filipino adults with bank accounts increased by 7.1 percentage points from 2011 to 2014, higher than the 3.4-percentage-point increase seen in the upper 60-percent income class of the population.

It is interesting to note, the bank regulator said, that the number of bank-account holders had increased even among less-educated adults.

It stand to reason that if the economy keeps getting better, then more people should be saving money in banks, money that can be spent elsewhere as capital to boost trade and industry. That's why the government, through the BSP, should continue efforts to bring the financial system closer to the people, especially to the disadvantaged sectors.  –END-                   

Overhaul PDOS now

The Pre-Departure Orientation Seminar (PDOS) for overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) cannot save undocumented workers or tourists like Mary Jane Veloso who, wittingly or unwittingly, find themselves serving as cross-country drug mules for doping syndicates.

But what the PDOS can do for OFWs, aside from warning them against accepting potential contrabands like drugs in their baggage, is to arm them with sufficient knowledge so they do not run afoul with the laws of their host countries while making their work bearable, if not hassle-free.

The problem is that the PDOS as we know it today is next to useless after it was delegated by the government to private PDOS providers. Said PDOS providers have turned the program into a purely money-making venture devoid of any real knowledge transfer to OFWs.

As if the PDOS modules being used are not outdated, incomplete or not country specific enough to really help OFWs adjust, blend in or excel in their alien work environments, many rogue PDOS providers just use the one-session seminars to sell the competing remittance services of banks in exchange for hefty commissions.

The time has come for the government (paging DOLE, OWWA and POEA) to really take a closer look and to overhaul the PDOS so that the modules are updated regularly, the speakers are certified to have first-hand knowledge about what they are talking about, and that the PDOS providers are not really only there for the money but because they also have pro-OFW advocacies.

And while at it, can the government ban the sale of whatever (ball pens, papers, snacks, and especially remittance services and additional insurance coverage) during the PDOS. Otherwise, let the OFWs forgo attending the presently defective PDOS because it’s an utter waste of their time. -end-


Martes, Abril 28, 2015




PEACE bond scam redux

The Commission on Audit (COA) dropped a bombshell this week in asking Presidential Peace Adviser Teresita Deles to account for P1.14 billion of funds allocated to her office. The teeth-gnashing aspect of this scandal is that a mere adviser to the President is once again shown with her fingers on billions of pesos of hard-earned taxpayers’ money.

But what else is new? Deles, together with Social Welfare and Development Secretary Dinky Soliman made Filipinos poorer by P35 billion during the failed presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Getting caught with their hands inside the cookie jar seems par for the course for the duo.

In fact, it would not come as a surprise if Deles and Soliman should find themselves in the company of pork barrel queen Janet Lim Napoles in Muntinlupa after PNoy’s presidency. This because they have already escaped prosecution for far too long over the CODE-NGO/PEACE bond scam when they abandoned Arroyo’s sinking ship and joined P-Noy’s march to Malacañang in 2010.

Napoles’ siphoning of congressional pork barrel through fake NGOs was a mere variation of the much bigger CODE-NGO/PEACE bond scam. What Deles and Soliman and their lackeys at CODE-NGOs did was far more ignominious.

In a nutshell, Deles and Soliman used their ties with Arroyo so their CODE-NGO was able to float zero-rated treasury bonds worth P10 billion, which they then sold to the secondary market for a whopping margin of P1.8 billion. Since CODE-NGO was outside of COA’s scrutiny as part of civil society, CODE-NGO’s self-serving claim that it spent the P1.8 billion for poverty alleviation could never be determined.

What’s worse with the PEACE bond scam than Napoles’ pork barrel scheme was that when the bonds matured after 10 years, it was us the taxpayers who had to pay the bonds’ face value and interest earnings totaling P35 billion. Ouch. Iginisa tayo nina Deles at Soliman sa sarili nating mantika na ang puhunan lang nila ay laway. It’s payback time for us the people against these two. -end-



Probe Sevilla’s Resignation

Senator Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III  is on the right track in calling for a Senate investigation on  the sudden resignation of John Philip Sevilla as Customs Commissioner.

That is if Sevilla himself will not disclose in detail what prompted him to throw in the towel after just a year in an agency  generally conceded to be one of the most corrupt in the Philippine bureaucracy.

Sevilla cited "political pressure" as the main reason for his resignation. However, the United Nationalist Opposition claimed that Sevilla's resignation was prompted by the demand by the ruling party to come up with P3 billion supposedly as war chest for the 2016 polls.

In other words, that the BOC was to be used as a milking cow to generate campaign funds. Not surprisingly, the Palace has denied that  any such order exists.

Sevilla later said in a TV interview that he resigned because Finance Secretary Cesar Purisima himself, along with three others, asked him to resign. Earlier, Purisima was even all praises for Sevilla's excellent performance in the latter's brief stint at the BOC. 

If Sevilla's claim that it was Purisima himself who told him in no uncertain  terms to hand in his resignation despite his "stellar performance" in the BOC, then there's something very wrong with the circumstances under which he resigned.

Thus, the "milking cow" allegation is not farfetched at all.

Sen. Pimentel should therefore pursue his plan to initiate an investigation on Sevilla's resignation as this would reveal whether the Aquino administration is in fact not serious in pursuing the "daang matuwid" as its claims, but only wants to perpetuate the ruling party in power.

What's wrong with this is that the ruling party would be using for partisan politics the taxes and duties paid to the government that should really be used for vital social services and infrastructure development.

Sevilla's revelations are very serious and should be fully investigated in the Senate. The bombshell unleashed by Sevilla gives administration critics yet another reason to doubt PNoy's avowed commitment to the daang matuwid and intensify calls for his resignation even as the 2016 polls is just around the corner. -end-

Probe Sevilla’s Resignation

Senator Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III  is on the right track in calling for a Senate investigation on  the sudden resignation of John Philip Sevilla as Customs Commissioner.

That is if Sevilla himself will not disclose in detail what prompted him to throw in the towel after just a year in an agency  generally conceded to be one of the most corrupt in the Philippine bureaucracy.

Sevilla cited "political pressure" as the main reason for his resignation. However, the United Nationalist Opposition claimed that Sevilla's resignation was prompted by the demand by the ruling party to come up with P3 billion supposedly as war chest for the 2016 polls.

In other words, that the BOC was to be used as a milking cow to generate campaign funds. Not surprisingly, the Palace has denied that  any such order exists.

Sevilla later said in a TV interview that he resigned because Finance Secretary Cesar Purisima himself, along with three others, asked him to resign. Earlier, Purisima was even all praises for Sevilla's excellent performance in the latter's brief stint at the BOC. 

If Sevilla's claim that it was Purisima himself who told him in no uncertain  terms to hand in his resignation despite his "stellar performance" in the BOC, then there's something very wrong with the circumstances under which he resigned.

Thus, the "milking cow" allegation is not farfetched at all.

Sen. Pimentel should therefore pursue his plan to initiate an investigation on Sevilla's resignation as this would reveal whether the Aquino administration is in fact not serious in pursuing the "daang matuwid" as its claims, but only wants to perpetuate the ruling party in power.

What's wrong with this is that the ruling party would be using for partisan politics the taxes and duties paid to the government that should really be used for vital social services and infrastructure development.

Sevilla's revelations are very serious and should be fully investigated in the Senate. The bombshell unleashed by Sevilla gives administration critics yet another reason to doubt PNoy's avowed commitment to the daang matuwid and intensify calls for his resignation even as the 2016 polls is just around the corner. -end-



Expansion then secession


US presidential candidate Hillary Clinton giving Philippine peace panel chair Miriam Coronel-Ferrer an award was a cheap photo-ops publicity stunt intended to court the votes of Filipino-Americans. To say that the award is vacuous and meaningless is a big understatement. 
Back here in the Philippines, our House of Representatives is set to decapitate eight provisions of the proposed Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) which are patently unconstitutional as to invite a declaration as such by the Supreme Court if the BBL is passed in its original form.

Not being a lawyer, Ferrer has proven to be a very bad choice to head the Philippine panel that forged last year a defective peace agreement with the secessionist Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) to the exclusion of all other parties in Mindanao.

As Yogi Berra used to say, “it’s déjà vu all over again” with the Philippine government, no thanks to Ferrer and Peace Process Adviser Teresita Deles, committing the same mistake it did when it forged a peace agreement during the Cory years with Nur Misuari’s MNLF to form the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, again to the exclusion of all the other stakeholders in Mindanao.

However, since Ferrer did not lack any legal advice from the battery of lawyers provided her, the glaring defects of the peace agreement and the proposed BBL can only be blamed on her stubbornness, her being afflicted with tunnel vision and maybe her dogged determination to win this peace award.

Clinton’s peace award, however, falls way, way short of the Nobel Peace Award which  coffee shop talk says the administration has been targeting in talking with the MILF, and why the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) allegedly refused to fire artillery to save the 44 massacred Special Action Forces.

Why are the eight provisions unconstitutional? Simple, because they would turn the proposed Bangsamoro government into a veritable sub-state, with full control of its armed units, as well as its own electoral, civil service and audit bodies.

Another provision would also allow untrammeled expansion of the  Bangsamoro territory, with only 10 percent of the voting population needed to force a plebiscite for a particular province to join the sub-state. And then what follows that expansion?

Secession?                                                                                                                        -END-